About Adoptee Rage

Statistics Identify large populations of Adoptees in prisons, mental hospitals and committed suicide.
Fifty years of scientific studies on child adoption resulting in psychological harm to the child and
poor outcomes for a child's future.
Medical and psychological attempts to heal the broken bonds of adoption, promote reunions of biological parents and adult children. The other half of attempting to repair a severed Identity is counselling therapy to rebuild the self.

Monday, November 14, 2016

Research: Adoptive Parent's Regard for Child's Culture

ADOPTEE RAGE!

Research Study Adopted Child Parent's Culture Care
________________________________________________________
Title of Study:


    Cultural Identity and Internationally Adopted Children: Qualitative Approach to Parental Representations


    • Group 1: Absence of associations with the child's country of birth, refusal of any multiplicity of cultural identities for their children

    12 parents (15 interviews): 24%

    The parents in group 1 reported that they have no association with the child's country of birth in their daily lives and no interest in this country.

    Choice of country

    Seven parents in group 1 stated that they had chosen the country by chance or by expedience.
    “We went to ChinaBut it was chanceIn any casewe wanted to adoptso it didn't matter what country.” (Father 5, of a 4-year-old)
    The other 5 parents of group 1 explained that they had chosen the country so that there would not be too great a difference in physical appearance.
    “I said to myselfa black childit will be obvious that I adopted.” (Mother 15, of a 10-year-old)
    “We went to Romaniabecauselet's put it this waythe children were more or less European.” (Father 1, of an 11-year-old)

    Experience of racism and discrimination

    Parents in group 1 did not talk about racism with their child and considered that it was not really a problem.
    “Children tease; but without any moreit's just teasing (…); he's too young to have faced thisI think.” (Father 6, of a 5-year-old)

    Child’s cultural belonging

    The parents in group 1 stressed that their children are French and that their culture is only the culture of the country of adoption, that is, French culture. The culture of the child's country of birth did not interest them. For them, the child's integration requires refusal of any association with the culture of the country of birth.
    “[My daughter]for meshe's Frenchnow her country is Franceshe will have lived in Francenot in Mali (…) Her cultural originsthey will be oursI think.” (Mother 9, of a 4-year-old)

    Child's history before adoption

    The parents in group 1 made no active effort to learn about elements of the child's history before adoption.
    “You have to let go of the past.” (Father 1, of an 11-year-old)

    Contacts with other adoptive parents

    Finally, parents in group 1 did not want to maintain contact with other adoptive parents because they perceived that as a stigma. They insisted that they are parents like any others.
    “The meetings of adoptersfor exampleI don't like that becauseit's a little like a ghetto.” (Mother 9, of a 4-year-old)

    Travel to the country of birth

    The parents in group 1 stated that they did not have plans to return to the child's country of birth, now or later.
    “I don't have any desire to go back thereFinallywhy notbut there are so many other things to see!” (Father 5, of a 4-year-old)
    • Group 2: Regular associations with the child's country of birth and its culture. Affirmation of a multicultural family

    18 parents (24 interviews): 35%

    The parents in group 2 reported multiple and frequent associations with their child's country of birth and its culture. They follow the news in that country closely. They have contacts with people living there and with people from there living in France. These parents stressed the links that they themselves have with the child's country of birth and its culture, as though the adoption had brought them even closer to it. They described it as their second country, after France.
    “I have a very strong link to HaitiIf I couldI would go there every year (…) We can talk about Haiti without it beingHaitiit's your thingbefore meHaitiit's also something that belongs to both of us.” (Mother 19, of a 9-year-old)
    “It’s sort of our family ambienceour way of livingwe were after all immersed in Asia even before the adoption.” (Mother 24, of a 7-year-old)
    “I'm learning ChineseI decidedso I started thatlast weekbut it's not … it's nothing to do with my sonit's meI've had a great desire to learn Mandarin.” (Mother 3, of an 8-year-old)

    Abstract

    Approximately 30 000 children are adopted across national borders each year. A review of the literature on the cultural belonging of these internationally adopted children shows substantial differences between the literature from English-speaking countries and that from France and Europe in general. The objective of this study is to start from the discourse of French adoptive parents to explore their representations of their child's cultural belonging and their positions (their thoughts and representations) concerning connections with the child's country of birth and its culture. The study includes 51 French parents who adopted one or more children internationally. Each parent participated in a semi-structured interview, focused on the adoption procedure and their current associations with the child's birth country. The interviews were analyzed according to a qualitative phenomenological method, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. The principal themes that emerged from our analysis of the interviews made it possible to classify the parents into three different groups. The first group maintained no association with the child's country of birth and refused any multiplicity of cultural identities. The second group actively maintained regular associations with the child's country of birth and culture and affirmed that their family was multicultural. Finally, the third group adapted their associations with the child's birth country and its culture according to the child's questions and interests. Exploring parental representations of the adopted child enables professionals involved in adoption to provide better support to these families and to do preventive work at the level of family interactions.