Adoptee Rage! This blog is written exclusively for the 38% of Abused and Neglected Adopted Children. The U.S. HHSA Identifies #1 Risk: Maltreatment, Child Abuse and Risk for Death In Adopted children. Childhood domination, Coping compensation. Research in Adoption Psychology, Developmental Trauma"The Adoption Paradox". By Rainstorm Red-Smith
About Adoptee Rage
Statistics Identify large populations of Adoptees in prisons, mental hospitals and committed suicide.
Fifty years of scientific studies on child adoption resulting in psychological harm to the child and
poor outcomes for a child's future.
Medical and psychological attempts to heal the broken bonds of adoption, promote reunions of biological parents and adult children. The other half of attempting to repair a severed Identity is counselling therapy to rebuild the self.
Monday, November 14, 2016
Research: Adoptive Parent's Regard for Child's Culture
Research Study Adopted Child Parent's Culture Care
Title of Study:
Cultural Identity and Internationally Adopted Children: Qualitative Approach to Parental Representations
Group 1: Absence of associations with the child's country of birth, refusal of any multiplicity of cultural identities for their children
12 parents (15 interviews): 24%
The parents in group 1 reported that they have no association with the child's country of birth in their daily lives and no interest in this country.
Choice of country
Seven parents in group 1 stated that they had chosen the country by chance or by expedience.
“We went to China. But it was chance. In any case, we wanted to adopt, so it didn't matter what country.” (Father 5, of a 4-year-old)
The other 5 parents of group 1 explained that they had chosen the country so that there would not be too great a difference in physical appearance.
“I said to myself, a black child, it will be obvious that I adopted.” (Mother 15, of a 10-year-old)
“We went to Romania, because, let's put it this way, the children were more or less European.” (Father 1, of an 11-year-old)
Experience of racism and discrimination
Parents in group 1 did not talk about racism with their child and considered that it was not really a problem.
“Children tease; but without any more, it's just teasing (…); he's too young to have faced this, I think.” (Father 6, of a 5-year-old)
Child’s cultural belonging
The parents in group 1 stressed that their children are French and that their culture is only the culture of the country of adoption, that is, French culture. The culture of the child's country of birth did not interest them. For them, the child's integration requires refusal of any association with the culture of the country of birth.
“[My daughter], for me, she's French, now her country is France, she will have lived in France, not in Mali (…) Her cultural origins, they will be ours, I think.” (Mother 9, of a 4-year-old)
Child's history before adoption
The parents in group 1 made no active effort to learn about elements of the child's history before adoption.
“You have to let go of the past.” (Father 1, of an 11-year-old)
Contacts with other adoptive parents
Finally, parents in group 1 did not want to maintain contact with other adoptive parents because they perceived that as a stigma. They insisted that they are parents like any others.
“The meetings of adopters, for example, I don't like that because, it's a little like a ghetto.” (Mother 9, of a 4-year-old)
Travel to the country of birth
The parents in group 1 stated that they did not have plans to return to the child's country of birth, now or later.
“I don't have any desire to go back there. Finally, why not, but there are so many other things to see!” (Father 5, of a 4-year-old)
Group 2: Regular associations with the child's country of birth and its culture. Affirmation of a multicultural family
18 parents (24 interviews): 35%
The parents in group 2 reported multiple and frequent associations with their child's country of birth and its culture. They follow the news in that country closely. They have contacts with people living there and with people from there living in France. These parents stressed the links that they themselves have with the child's country of birth and its culture, as though the adoption had brought them even closer to it. They described it as their second country, after France.
“I have a very strong link to Haiti. If I could, I would go there every year (…) We can talk about Haiti without it being, Haiti, it's your thing, before me. Haiti, it's also something that belongs to both of us.” (Mother 19, of a 9-year-old)
“It’s sort of our family ambience, our way of living, we were after all immersed in Asia even before the adoption.” (Mother 24, of a 7-year-old)
“I'm learning Chinese. I decided, so I started that, last week, but it's not … it's nothing to do with my son, it's me: I've had a great desire to learn Mandarin.” (Mother 3, of an 8-year-old)
Approximately 30 000 children are adopted across national borders each year. A review of the literature on the cultural belonging of these internationally adopted children shows substantial differences between the literature from English-speaking countries and that from France and Europe in general. The objective of this study is to start from the discourse of French adoptive parents to explore their representations of their child's cultural belonging and their positions (their thoughts and representations) concerning connections with the child's country of birth and its culture. The study includes 51 French parents who adopted one or more children internationally. Each parent participated in a semi-structured interview, focused on the adoption procedure and their current associations with the child's birth country. The interviews were analyzed according to a qualitative phenomenological method, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. The principal themes that emerged from our analysis of the interviews made it possible to classify the parents into three different groups. The first group maintained no association with the child's country of birth and refused any multiplicity of cultural identities. The second group actively maintained regular associations with the child's country of birth and culture and affirmed that their family was multicultural. Finally, the third group adapted their associations with the child's birth country and its culture according to the child's questions and interests. Exploring parental representations of the adopted child enables professionals involved in adoption to provide better support to these families and to do preventive work at the level of family interactions.